by Kim Ives
Well over 15,000 people poured out from all
corners of Haiti's capital to march alongside the cortege of
cars that carried former Haitian President Jean-Bertrand
Aristide back to his home in Tabarre from the Port-au-Prince
courthouse he visited on May 8.
Thousands more massed along
sidewalks and on rooftops to cheer the procession on, waving
flags and wearing small photos of Aristide in their hair, pinned
to their clothing, or stuck in their hats.
Led by Fanmi Lavalas party
coordinator Maryse Narcisse through a gauntlet of jostling
journalists, Aristide had entered the courthouse (the former
Belle Époque Hotel) at exactly 9:00 a.m., the time of his
appointment to testify before Investigating Judge Ivickel
Dabrésil. Aristide had waited with Narcisse in a car outside the
court's backdoor for about 45 minutes. It was only the second
time that Aristide had left his home (and the first time
publicly) since returning to Haiti on Mar. 18, 2011 from a
seven-year exile in Africa following the Feb. 29, 2004
Washington-backed coup d’état which cut short his second
government.
Lawyer Mario Joseph said that
he was "very satisfied" with the reception given by Judge
Dabrésil, who is investigating the April 2000 murder of radio
journalist Jean Dominique and his radio’s caretaker Jean-Claude
Louissaint, for which Aristide is one of many prominent
Haitians, including former President René Préval, interviewed
for testimony. Joseph said the three hour deposition was very
"cordial and relaxed."
But many Haitians feared that
the summoning of Aristide – even if only for testimony – was a
trap set by President Michel Martelly, who, as the former vulgar
konpa musician “Sweet Micky,” was the principal
cheerleader of both the 1991 and 2004 coups d’état against
Aristide.
“This summoning of Aristide is
a political act remote-controlled by the Martelly government,
the same as the now discredited legal suits brought a few months
ago by Ti Sony [a former resident of the Lafanmi Selavi
orphanage who claimed that Aristide had “exploited” him and
other orphans] and some who lost money when the cooperative
banks went bust [while Aristide was in power in 2002 and 2003],”
said outspoken Sen. Moïse Jean-Charles. “Those previous efforts
to smear and destroy Aristide failed, so now they are trying
this.”
Many Haitian radio commentators
point to Judge Dabrésil’s postponement of Aristide’s deposition
from its original date of Apr. 24 as proof that there is a
political hand in the judge’s proceedings. The deposition, and
the expected anti-Martelly pro-Aristide outpouring, would have
taken place during the 5th Summit of the Association of
Caribbean States (ACS) from Apr. 23-26 held in Pétionville and
attended by many regional leaders.
Furthermore, on Mar. 7, the
Defend Haiti website reported that “Presidential Adviser Guyler
Delva admitted, earlier this week, to giving Judge Ivekel
Dabrésil a car, and Senator John Joel Joseph said on Radio Scoop
FM on Wednesday [Apr. 30] that the administration had purchased
a house in Florida for the judge.”
Another impetus for the massive
turn-out came on the evening of May 7 when Haitian National
Police (PNH) Director General Godson Orélus took to the airwaves
to announce that the PNH had “received no formal notification of
the demonstration” as required by law and that therefore “any
demonstration is formally forbidden” along the route between
Aristide’s house and the courthouse.
“The police don’t want any
demonstration,” he concluded, throwing down a gauntlet which the
Haitian people took up the next morning.
Lavalas leaders, including
Narcisse, responded that the march was not a “demonstration” but
an “accompaniment” of Aristide by the Haitian people. Many
Lavalas leaders came to the courthouse to show their solidarity
including Senators Moïse Jean-Charles, John Joel Joseph, Francky
Excius, and Jean Baptiste Bien-Aimée; Deputy Saurel Hyacinthe;
former senator Gérard Louis Gilles; former deputies Jacques
Mathelier and Lionel Etienne; former Justice Minister Calixte
Delatour; activists Farah Juste, Claudy Sidney, and Volcy Assad.
About 100 people had spent the
night in a vigil across the street from Aristide’s home. At 6
a.m., hundreds more joined them to mass on the sidewalks in
front of Aristide's house.
But the real “accompaniment”
began after the hearing. Leaving the courthouse at noon,
Aristide's ride home took five hours, passing slowly through
downtown Port-au-Prince, the Champ de Mars, the hillside slum of
Belair, Delmas 2, then the roads through the old military
airport and past the international airport.
Parallel solidarity
demonstrations were held in Cap Haïtien, Aux Cayes, and Petit
Goâve.
Alongside the 20 or so cars
that followed Aristide’s silver jeep, young and old walked,
jogged, and ran, singing, chanting, and laughing. The river of
humanity included motorcycles, bicycles, wheelchairs, and the
occasional person on crutches.
Marchers also tore down pink
government propaganda posters from lampposts along the way.
Several posters declaring “With the Martelly/Lamothe
government, Haiti is advancing” were torn up and left in pieces
in the street for vehicles and marchers to pass over. (Martelly’s
long-time business partner Laurent Lamothe is Haiti’s Prime
Minister.)
Three times Aristide got out of
his car to wave to the crowd -- outside the courthouse gate, in
Belair, and in front of his home -- causing people to sprint
toward his car and raise their arms, creating a sea of hands.
Afterwards, people hugged and high-fived each other, some
laughing, some crying.
One man dressed in rags
moved down the line of cars following Aristide, wiping each car
clean with a dirty cloth but asking for no money in return.
“Se pa lajan non, se volontè
wi,” (It’s not for money, I’m here of my own free will) was
the refrain of crowds which turned out for Aristide’s massive
campaign rallies when he first ran for President in November and
December 1990. The song was heard again on May 8, 2013 in the
largely spontaneous march, which grew in size and volume as it
made its way through the capital.
In contrast, when Martelly
organized a carnival-like rally of a few thousand in the Champ
de Mars on May 14, many participants were paid 1000 gourdes
(US$24) a head to turn out. They were also given a t-shirt -
either pink or white - to put on. But after taking the money,
many "celebrants" discarded their t-shirts in the street,
Haïti Liberté reporters observed. (A Haiti Liberté
photographer was prevented from accessing a media stand at the May
14 rally after presenting his press credentials.)
Some pundits tried to banalize
the historic march, saying it was merely the beginning of the
electoral campaign of the Lavalas Family (FL), the party that
Aristide founded in 1996. (Many Haitian political leaders,
including those in the FL, strongly doubt whether free and fair
elections can be held under Martelly, or whether he even wants
to hold them. “No matter what, Martelly has to go” was another
chant heard during the march.)
But May 8, 2013 was much more than a mere campaign
rally. It was a watershed event, a popular show of force which
has changed the political calculus of Haiti in the near-term.
Haitian history has shown that when the Haitian people begin to
move in such numbers, major political change is imminent. The
weeks ahead will reveal exactly what that political change will
be.
(Additional reporting was done by Haiti Liberté staff reporters
Wendell Polynice and Daniel Tercier) |